As Bangladesh navigates its way through a turbulent transition, Liberation spoke to a number of progressive and Left voices in Bangladesh - Anu Muhammad, economist and political activist; Saiful Haque, Bangladesh Revolutionary Workers Party; Representative from Socialist Party of Bangladesh and Saeed Juberi, poet and journalist - to get their views about the unprecedented mass upsurge that triggered this transition and their assessment of and expectations from the interim administration now in place.
There have been disturbing reports of attacks on minorities, Hindus in particular, and leaders and supporters of the ousted Awami League establishment. But it has been reassuring to see all major strands of the movement and members of the interim administration, including the current chief advisor Mohammad Yunus, appeal for restoration of stability, and emphasise the need for ensuring the safety and security of all citizens.
We also reproduce here the statement issued by the Central Committee of CPIML immediately after the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government congratulating the people of Bangladesh on the great victory of their unprecedented collective assertion and expressing solidarity and best wishes for a stable and sovereign democratic future of Bangladesh avoiding the pitfalls of fundamentalist takeover and imperialist manipulation.
The mass uprising in Bangladesh and its present culmination
Anu Muhammad, economist and political activist (AM): The events from July 1st to August 5th have created an example of how a peaceful popular movement can escalate into a situation of mass uprising, even leading to the fall of a long-standing authoritarian government. The level of brutality, the number of killings, and the amount of bloodshed by the government from July 15th onwards in response to this peaceful popular movement are unprecedented. We have heard orders to shoot or such rhetoric before, but never before have we witnessed such direct, widespread killings, where so many lives were lost, and people were shot so indiscriminately that individuals were killed by gunfire even while on balconies, rooftops, or inside their homes. Not only were the protesters targeted, but also workers, teachers, students, journalists, and professionals who had no connection to the movement were injured by gunfire. Such indiscriminate shooting has never occurred in the history of the country, not even before or after the Liberation War. Between July 15th and July 24th, at least 300 people were killed by police, armed terrorists, and organizations affiliated with the ruling party. Then, on August 4th alone, over 100 more people were killed. Among those killed were people of all ages, from a 4-year-old child to a 60-year-old woman, including workers, students, journalists, and professionals. A large number of people were also seriously injured.
In contrast to the brutal repression, we have simultaneously witnessed an unprecedented and creative resistance from students and the general public. As the police continued their barbaric attacks, injuring and brutalizing the youth, people from various segments of society began to gather around them in increasing numbers. There had already been a buildup of anger in society, driven by several factors such as the continuous rise in the prices of essential goods, lack of employment opportunities, widespread oppression by state forces and ruling party militias in every nook and corner, rampant corruption in job recruitment processes, and the complete collapse of institutional accountability, including the judiciary. The recent events have clearly shown how intolerance, centralization of power, and arrogance can create a terrifying situation in a country.
The more force the government exerted, the more the movement grew in strength. We observed that as students were being killed in large numbers, teachers, parents, lawyers, journalists, workers, artists, actors, and bankers began to stand with them. Men and women from all professions and social classes joined the protests. Public and private university students united and took to the streets together. When even those who typically do not directly participate in protests started joining the movement, it became clear that this uprising could not be turned back. It was evident then that there was widespread solidarity among the people and an extreme rebellion against the government. In this situation, even the police and the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) could not control the movement. Despite the severe injuries and loss of life, the people did not back down or retreat. The government then decided to use its ultimate power, imposing a curfew and deploying the military, creating an emergency-like situation. However, when people began to defy the curfew and took to the streets, it became clear that even through repression, the government could not prevent its downfall. The imposition of the curfew and the deployment of the military were the government's last-ditch efforts. Once those measures failed, there was nothing left for the government to do but step down. The defiance of the curfew made it evident that the Sheikh Hasina government could no longer stay in power.
Saiful Haque, Bangladesh Revolutionary Workers Party (SH): This unprecedented mass awakening of the student population or in general the mass uprising was not an accidental event. The multidimensional accumulated anger of the people of the country against the long sixteen years of fascist misrule of the Awami League government led by Sheikh Hasina was expressed through this uprising of the student population. The opposition political parties faced extreme repression and brutal fascist rule throughout the years. The students who started this fight to bid farewell to the government eventually turned out to be a deadly fight that challenged the entire armed state system and practically brought the state to a standstill situation.
August 5, the day Hasina left the country, is seen as a second independence day by many people in our country, it is measured as a victory similar to the 1971 Bangladesh liberation war. This revolution has created the ground for building a new democratic and more humanitarian Bangladesh against all kinds of discrimination.
Socialist Party of Bangladesh (SPB): Throughout these years all the state institutions including the administration, police, bureaucracy, and the judicial system kept within partisanship, admitting mega corruption with money laundering, reckless looting, and money laundering abroad fueled the fuss. Altogether, our nation needed a base around which the dormant volcano could erupt. The joint leadership of the student society focused on quota reforms and the arrogance and oppression of the ruling party fueled it.
In the case of government jobs, the quota reserved level was 56% (liberation fighters 30%, district 10%, women 10%, minorities 5%, disabled 1%). As there is no such scope of employment available in the country, other meritorious students are being deprived. The protests against this process have been raging since 2018. On the question of quotas, especially in recognition of the great contribution of the liberation war, the quota number fixed for the family members of the freedom fighters, i.e. 30%, is not reasonable after 52 years.
Saeed Juberi, poet and journalist (SJ): In short, the citizens of Bangladesh wanted freedom from the politics of creating a one-sided narrative about the nation’s history and the game of division, which had been created by the powerholders to separate the common people from the legacy of the Liberation War. Secondly, people have asked for the civilian’s respect from state power, which has never been provided to them. Thirdly, people have become enraged to see corruption, misrule, lack of justice and loss of freedom of speech in front of their eyes.
The current situation is mainly to confront the challenges of establishing a stable government and its rules. The main challenge of the government is to manage the economy while appropriately handling law and order and the administration. The student protestors are talking about bringing a new political settlement but the idea of it is still not clear at all. In post-nineties politics the main problem was Jamaat and now at this time we not only have Jamaat but also Awami League. It is not clear to us, how Awami League will hereafter shape their politics and how the issue of Jamaat will be resolved.
Expectations from the interim government
AM: Whether we call them expectations or demands, this government must understand the language of mass uprising. It must take action against the power structures that oppose the public interest. The government needs to ensure the investigation and prosecution of past crimes, looting, asset smuggling, and repression. Dangerous and misguided mega-projects like Rampal, Rooppur, and Banshkhali must be abandoned. Transparency and accountability must be ensured.
From the 'University Teachers' Network,' which actively participated in the movement, we had stated that an inclusive interim government should be formed with the consent of the main forces behind the student-public uprising, based on the opinions of civic and political forces, and consisting of teachers, judges, lawyers, and members of civil society from all sectors of society—regardless of nationality, religion, gender, or class.
SH: Our hope for this government is that they will respect the democratic aspirations of the student population for their rights and freedom. They will take steps to clean up the garbage of Hasina's government without public mandate. They should immediately withdraw all false and harassing cases from all levels of the state including law enforcement and bureaucracy. Similarly, the martyrs of the uprising should be accorded due status and the families of the dead and injured should be given adequate compensation and rehabilitation.
SPB: Leftists including our party have joined the government's pledge to remain with the student movement despite many weaknesses, limitations and shortcomings and the 'anti-discrimination' slogans raised in the movement have come to prominence because we are also part of the movement. However, instead of absolute support, we will continue with the apparent strategy of support and opposition, keeping in mind the issue of observation and protection of the main theme of the movement. Also, we will continue to clarify the issue of not walking on the path of the social system or the governance policy that creates discrimination, i.e. the capitalist socio-economic system, and the system that can end this discrimination.
SJ: Establishing the authority of the government and initiating various institutional reforms including the constitution. This includes social reforms starting from the judiciary, financial sector, election commission and political parties. The question of ensuring freedom of the press and speech is very prominent and critical here, as nowadays media is not only about printed papers and electronics, but it has also secured a very influential state in the digital platforms. Repeal of blasphemy, digital security act etc. is one of the tasks.
What role did workers, farmers, and all the working people play in this uprising, and what changes are they expecting from this interim government?
AM: Initially, this movement was primarily led by students. However, the workers, farmers, and the working class, including the lower middle class, strongly supported this movement because these groups are the primary victims of the country's current economic model. This model has led to increased inequality in Bangladesh. A small fraction of the population has rapidly become millionaires, resulting in the majority of the population facing a harsh life characterized by unemployment, low wages, hunger, malnutrition, humiliation, and all forms of social insecurity.
Over the past decade, we've witnessed a rush to build large infrastructure projects, along with unprecedented levels of corruption, widespread deforestation, air and water pollution, and rampant grabbing and plandering of land and rivers. As a result, the working-class people have suffered the most, by an incredible increase in hardship and insecurity.
During the last decade, many mega-projects were funded by massive foreign loans. In the long run, many of these projects are environmentally disastrous and economically responsible for the long-term burden of foreign debt. These projects have led to an increase in the national debt, devaluation of the currency, and hikes in the prices of gas, electricity, and taxes, exacerbating the economic distress of the majority of the population.
Over the past decade and a half, a handful of individuals have become extremely wealthy, further widening the gap in wealth inequality. Statistics from 2010 showed that the top 5% of the wealthiest individuals had an income 30 times greater than the bottom 5% of the population. By 2016, this ratio had increased to 60 times, and by 2022, it had exceeded 80 times. It is important to note that these official figures only partially reflect the wealth of the ultra-rich looters. In such a situation, when the children of the majority are fighting a just movement, the brutal attacks against them triggered widespread outrage. Workers, farmers, and other working people actively joined the movement, standing in front of guns. More than 20% of those killed by police bullets were workers, underscoring their significant involvement in the struggle.
SH: In this mass awakening - mass upheaval, the working-class people including the workers in the cities and industrial areas played an important role. At the district upazila level, the role of village farmers was prominent enough.
People hope that this government will meet the immediate demands of workers, farmers and the rural poor and will take the initiative to start the closed factories.
SJ: The workers, peasants and working-class people were agitated for a long time regarding the issues of wages, salaries and status quo - but the opportunities for common people to get justice in these various situations were limited. With these outrages, the common people have come down on the streets after seeing the students being shot dead. They left behind the separate identities of workers, peasants or any class, they took part in this mass movement led by the students only as the citizens of Bangladesh. The new government must demolish the discrimination in social status and ensure the rights and respect of common people throughout the country. There is one more thing to be addressed, what will be the cheapest cost of labour in the market?
Expectations of the indigenous communities of Bangladesh
AM: The economic challenges faced by the indigenous communities in Bangladesh are similar to those of the Bengali majority. However, they have the added burden of the denial of their existence as distinct ethnic or indigenous groups. Moreover, it’s not just the recently ousted government; the amendments made to the constitution over many years have made it increasingly communal, ethnically biassed, undemocratic, and authoritarian. Therefore, a major aspiration for them is the elimination of class, gender, ethnic, and religious discrimination at the constitutional level. Additionally, they demand the demilitarization of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, ensuring the safety of indigenous peoples' lives and land, and gaining constitutional recognition as indigenous communities. These are now their primary demands for the new Bangladesh.
SH: Religious and ethnic minorities, including tribals expect the elimination of all forms of discrimination. Their human and democratic rights shall be ensured.
SJ: First is recognition, and their rights need to be established despite the military control. Their relations with the Bengali settlers also needed to be eased enough. Their land management needs to be established differently; like the way they want it. There should be a quota system for tribal communities present in various state facilities.
On the overall current situation following the popular uprising?
AM: After the ousting of Sheikh Hasina, the first deviation in the transition process occurred when the army chief took charge and announced negotiations. It became evident that those who led the uprising and were the main forces behind the movement were not included in these discussions. Instead, some individuals with allegations of anti-public actions were present. This exclusion of the primary forces of the movement created a void here.
Based on this void, undesirable incidents began occurring across the country, including attacks on minority communities, vandalism of sculptures and structures, arson, and indiscriminate assaults on people. However, later on, leaders of the anti-discrimination student movement emerged on the scene and took a stand against this violence.
On one hand, the anti-discrimination student movement and various segments of society are advocating for a different Bangladesh, free from past oppression and discrimination. Students are writing their aspirations on the streets. On the other hand, the old political parties are preparing to take power, while the former ruling classes and groups are trying to maintain their hold. Three active forces are at play here. Over the past few decades, especially the last 15 years, a significant concentration of wealth has occurred in Bangladesh, benefiting from the autocratic system. Additionally, the military and civilian bureaucracies have been structured in ways that serve the interests of party and looters. Extrajudicial killings, disappearances, and murders have been rampant and remain in place. Various international powers have also benefited from the autocratic system. For example, companies like India's Adani and Ambani have gained significantly under this system, and projects like the Rampal coal power plant, which threatens the Sundarbans, have only been possible due to the autocratic framework. The same holds true for the interests of the United States, China, and Russia. These lobbies remain very active.
The future trajectory of the country will depend on how vigilant the movement's forces are and how organized these forces for democratic transformation can become against these three powerful groups—the wealthy elite that has grown strong over the past few decades, the military-civilian bureaucracy, and the international lobbies.
SH: Political and social status has not yet been settled, it will take some more time. There are many types of activities taking place inside and outside the country to fail the interim government. There are also fears of subversive activities. The government has many urgent challenges. There is a huge outrage against India as they provided shelter to Hasina, who is accused of the massacre of the students and the anti-Bangladesh incitement activities of the BJP government. There are many questions yet to be answered like How long this government will remain with the support of the armed forces, whether they have their specific political agenda or not! There is also a discussion about the American influence on this government.
SJ: I would like to see the steps taken to begin the implementation of the state and political changes that the students and the common people wanted. The police and public administration tend to stick to boil-up stories to fool the public as before. But this time we have seen the rarest social tenacity of the students and the mentality of doing good for the country, like there is no police posted for more than 7 days but no major crime has happened. Considering this matter, the attitude of all organizations needs to change; but as of now, we have not seen any changes. The language of the advisers of the interim government is sympathetic to the people and their aspirations, which is a good thing.
Current situation regarding the attacks on religious minorities
AM: When an autocratic regime is overthrown through a popular movement or uprising, opportunistic individuals often seek to exploit moments of uncertainty. Just hours after the Prime Minister's resignation on August 5th, the situation was chaotic, and even the movement's participants were not prepared to handle it. The military was also caught off guard. That night, there were incidents of looting and attacks on minorities. Also, community efforts were made to protect many temples, with local people organizing security outside them. The leaders of the uprising, particularly those from the anti-discrimination student movement, took proactive measures to maintain communal harmony. By that night, they had organized patrols in various areas.
The chaos, looting, and violence that followed the uprising can be categorized into three types. First, there were those who had been victimized by the Awami League's oppressive tactics for years and sought revenge. Second, there were opportunistic individuals who took advantage of the situation to loot. Third, there were communal-fascist forces who planned attacks on minorities and vengefully vandalized sculptures and artworks. However, the nationwide resistance against these actions has been significant. Unfortunately, some Indian media outlets have exaggerated and spread false, provocative, communal propaganda regarding these events, hiding facts. In response, we have issued a public statement. These reports by Indian media about attacks on minorities, are exaggerated and untrue with vile intentions (statement: jugantar.com).
On August 6, I wrote, "Those who are tarnishing the joy of people’s freedom from the tyrannical oppression through the mass uprising led by the anti-discrimination student movement, by attacking Hindus, Ahmadis, and other religious communities' homes, temples, places of worship, and various shrines, setting them on fire; those who are destroying sculptures and setting fire to museums across the country; those who are assaulting artists like Rahul Anand and destroying their priceless musical instruments; those who are endangering people's lives indiscriminately are the enemies of this mass uprising. We must resist them. Strengthen the initiatives to resist these criminals across the country. We demand swift justice and punishment for looters, occupiers, murderers, and perpetrators of violence. And we seek the safety of all citizens and creative works."
SH: There was no communal violence in Bangladesh during this period except for some exceptional cases; all attacks on religious minorities were conducted due to their political affiliation with the Awami League. Their rallies and protests fell due to the Awami League. They aimed to attract the attention of the Modi government. Now the situation has calmed down. Along with the students, the opposition political parties are taking turns to protect them.
SPB: During this time some unexpected events happened in different places. Minority houses and business establishments were attacked, looted and vandalized in some places. Many memorial sculptures of the Liberation War, including Sheikh Mujib's sculpture, were vandalized. All these incidents took place in the absence of police forces, in an atmosphere of total emptiness. Bangabhaban, Ganabhaban also looted. These were mainly outbursts of uncontrollable activity. People have started coming forward against all this.
SH: Some incidents have happened, as always happens after a big event occurs in this country. For example, when there is an election, the houses of Hindus are burnt. Nothing happened compared to that level, you have to remember one thing there is no police in the country for more than 7 days. As a result, social awareness has been created regarding the security of minorities. Everything that happened was instantaneous.
As a citizen of Bangladesh, what is your message to the world?
AM: Rebellion against injustice is not only just but also unstoppable. The capitalist imperialist world system, which is imposing oppressive and exploitative governance in countries around the globe, is being challenged in various ways by people's struggles. The form of protest and resistance may differ due to factors such as the situation, the history of the people's struggle, and the relative distribution of power. However, the power of people consistently demonstrates that no matter how much a tyrant expands their coercive power, their defeat becomes inevitable when popular power erupts. Certainly, this requires the active role of vigilant and organized revolutionary forces. Solidarity among liberation forces in different countries is also crucial. This solidarity is very weak in South Asia. The lack of communication between progressive and active forces in Bangladesh and India is harming the struggle for liberation of the people in both countries.
SH: Our message to the international community is that we want everyone's sincere support and cooperation in our journey of democratic transformation. We have already sought the cooperation of the United Nations in an impartial and credible investigation into the genocide committed by the Hasina government.
Our special message regarding India is that it should in no way be an accomplice in the political rehabilitation of the ghosts of fallen autocratic fascism. If India had not given unequivocal support to the Hasina government, this situation might have been avoided. And we also want to solve all our bilateral problems based on equality and fairness with India.
SJ: The public understands everything. And as much as one can live by knowing, every living person knows that. So, there is nothing to convince people more. People endure as long as they can. As a result, I will advise the rulers not to exceed the limit of human tolerance.
Notices are being circulated in Universities to halt student politics. What is your opinion regarding these mandates banning the very forces that built the background of this mass uprising?
AM: This is very wrong. It stems from the government's oppression and dominance in student politics. However, they fail to recognize that fighting against this oppression is also a form of politics. Those who led the massive political movement, such as the mass uprising, should be advanced, not sidelined. Their responsibility should be to move forward, not to relinquish power.
SH: We think the question is not to stop student politics, the question is to end government party occupation, factionalism, terrorism, hooliganism and hostage situation in educational institutions. Cutting off the head for headaches is not at all a solution. In our country, educational institutions are the repositories of political thought and activism. Whatever, the anti-discrimination student movement is doing now is entirely political.
SPB: Stopping the practice of politics doesn't solve it. The remedy for this is an education culture centred on equality instead of idealistic scientific rational practices and consumerist individual interests, which will possibly give rise to the politics dedicated and devoted to the interests of the student population and the national interest.
What are your expectations from the new government to protect Bangladesh's sovereignty in the new situation?
AM: All obstacles to people's power must be removed. All agreements made with governments or companies from countries including India, under the pretext of development, security, or mutual interests, should be made public, and any agreements detrimental to public interest should be scrapped. Expanding the people's power is the only way to protect the country's sovereignty.
SH: The main safeguard of the sovereignty of Bangladesh is the unity of its people. Bangladesh has to ensure its national interests, national security and sovereignty outside the regional hegemonic power and imperialist circle. It requires our special attention that Bangladesh should not become a playground for any superpower.
CPIML Statement on the Developments in Bangladesh
New Delhi, 6 August 2024
With the Hasina government's attempt to crush the popular quota reform movement in Bangladesh by unleashing all-out violence, the student movement had grown into a people's upsurge for Sheikh Hasina's resignation and an end to her autocratic regime. Her resignation and exit from the country vindicates the anti-autocratic anger and assertion of the people of Bangladesh. We congratulate the democracy-loving people of Bangladesh at this hour of victorious assertion.
Bangladesh is currently in a turbulent phase of transition. There are disturbing reports of attacks on Awami League leaders and offices and on statues of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and incidents of loot and arson, but there are also reassuring reports of movement forces being alive to the challenges of the situation and taking steps to defend the minorities and lives and properties of common citizens. Reports coming from Bangladesh indicate the possibility of an interim arrangement and the name of the veteran economist and Nobel Laureate Mohammad Yunus as the chief advisor to the new arrangement.
Democratic forces in India share the hope that Bangladesh will advance towards the goals of its Liberation War avoiding any protracted period of instability and anarchy and steering clear of the pitfalls of military rule, fundamentalist takeover and imperialist intervention that have often been seen to hijack the assertion and aspirations of a people fighting for change and democracy. Indian government must accept the sovereign choice of the people of Bangladesh in the spirit of friendship and cooperation.
A lot of misleading propaganda is being spread in the Indian media and social media on Bangladesh developments, with the aim of vitiating the social and political environment in India. We have to be on our guard to combat this propaganda war.
