Since 2014, India is witness to an alarming rise in communal aggression and hatred in the name of majoritarian Hindutva nationalism. In what has been identified as an aggressive fascist regime, the Sangh Parivar has utilized hatred as it means, both socially and electorally, and have captured both state and non-state actors to turn a blind eye or act in furtherance of their agenda.
One of the chosen means of creating, spreading, and consolidating this hate, is through hate speech. Hate speech is speech that falls outside the ambit of protected speech / free speech, and is speech that Waldron terms āgroup defamationā. Certain groups, on account of historical discrimination, are particularly vulnerable, including gender, caste, and religion. Hate speech is the expression of hate specially targeted at the members of a vulnerable community, meant to dehumanize a group and attack the individual dignity of a member of the group, as argued by Waldron. This speech has the effect of denying equal citizenship, educational or employment opportunities, reducing members of these groups to second class citizens.
As recognized by the Supreme Court in Pravasi Bhalai Sangathan v. Union of India ((2014) 11 SCC 477), hate speech rises beyond causing distress to individual group members, and lays the groundwork for later broad attacks on the vulnerable that range from discrimination, ostracism, segregation, deportation, violence, and in extreme cases, genocide. It affects a vulnerable groupsā ability to fully participate in democracy. In Amish Devgan v. Union of India ((2021) 1 SCC 1), the Supreme Court appreciated the definition of hate speech based on three distinct elements ā content based element involving the open use of words and phrases generally considered to be offensive to a particular community, intent-based element involving the speakerās message being intended to promote hatred, violence or resentment against a particular class, and the harm based element involving the consequences of hate speech which includes harm to the victim which can be violent or a loss of self-esteem, economic or social subordination, physical and mental stress, silencing of the victim and effective exclusion from the political arena. These three elements are not watertight silos, and overlap. The Court also relied on the definition of hate speech as language intended to demean a group which a reasonable person would recognize s a āracial insultā. It further held that in a polity committed to pluralism, hate speech cannot conceivably contribute in any legitimate way to democracy, and, in fact, repudiates the right to equality.
As held in the case of Shreya Singhal v. Union of India ((2015) 5 SCC 1), offensive speech is only criminalized when it presents a clear and present danger and threatens imminent lawless action, wherein a proximate nexus must be established between the words spoken and its outcome. Thus, hate speech falls well outside the fences of free speech, and is not protected speech that is free from curtailment. In effect, hate speech hinders an individual and groupās ability to enjoy their fundamental rights, especially the right to live with dignity. Although hate speech has not been explicitly delineated as an offence of its own right, it largely falls under offences in the Indian Penal Code pertaining to incitement of hatred and ill-will.
Post-2014, with the BJP led Government coming to power at the center, hate speech has reached dangerous proportions. The BJP Government, representing the Sangh Parivar, came to power with the sole agenda, and promise, to turn India into a Hindu Rashtra. Thereafter, their policies, speeches, laws, and even stance in courts became a reflection of this core agenda. They utilized several legislative and non-legislative means to create, spread and justify hatred. Indicatively, hate speech can be traced through the following timeline:
In order to create an atmosphere that is conducive to spreading hate speech, the BJP-Government assumed the role of both fact-checker and fact-creator, by taking onto itself the role of the highest authority in a grievance redressal mechanism under the Cable Television Networks (Amendment) Rules, 2021, requiring registration of self-regulatory bodies of broadcasters (such as republic TV and Times Now), and 3-tier mechanism for grievance redressal with the Government at the top of this mechanism. This came along with passage of laws that controlled free speech but at the same time protected hate speech, through laws such as the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 that fundamentally alter speech on the internet by imposing onerous conditions on social media intermediaries to cooperate with the Government and take down content, powers to the Government to take action against social media intermediaries, and granting the executive of the Government the power to exercise judicial powers. In fact, the Government gave unto itself emergency blocking powers, which the Government was quick to utilize to direct YouTube and Twitter, blocking sharing of the BBCās documentary on Narendra Modiās role in the 2002 Gujarat pogrom.
The Union Government again in 2023 amended the Rules, establishing a fact checking unit at the discretion of the Union Government to āfact-checkā supposedly false, fake or misleading information regarding the Union Government and can also order action against this content. Thus, the Government has effectively whittled down means of free-speech, curtailed genuine fact-checking, created a ripe environment for the creation and spreading of misinformation and lack of independent mechanisms to address hate speech.
Having weakened measures of accountability and self-regulation, hate speeches from political leaders and leaders of the Sangh Parivar enjoyed impunity. In fact in Karnataka, from 2019 to 2023 alone, the BJP government ordered the withdrawal of prosecution in 182 criminal cases of hate speech, cow vigilantism and communal violence.
This hate speech is a precursor to the escalating violence against religious minorities, women, and Dalits in India. Even during elections, candidates and their agents freely engaged in hate-mongering to gather momentum and votes.
Hate Speech is key part of the stages of genocide, which have been identified as classification (distinguishing us v. them), symbolization (by dress or any symbol), discrimination (legitimizing victimization and exclusion), dehumanization (indoctrination to deny humanity, eg. Branding a community as cockroaches), organization (state-enabled organization of violence), polarization (driving of groups apart, passing emergency laws etc.), preparation (preparing for apparent āsolutionsā), persecution (victims identified and separated out based on their identify, deprived resources), and extermination.
During the COVID-19 pandemic for example, Muslim street-vendors were harassed and attacked, kicked out of apartments, denied medical treatment, due to the fact that media houses at the instance of the Government perpetrated hate speech against them blaming them for the spread of COVID-19. Inter-faith and inter-caste couples were attacked, removed from hotel rooms, and even killed. Evidently, hate speech has a real and apparent impact on protected groups, which is often immediate.
Hate speech operates in a culture of impunity created by the State, which both implicitly and explicitly propagates hate speech as well as protects it. In Tehseen Poonawalla v. Union of India (AIR 2018 SC 3354) the Supreme Court had issued a slew of directions to the State Governments to take preventive, remedial and punitive measures to prevent mob lynching and violence, including a special task force to be set up in each state to prevent hate speech, which has not been complied with. Often, the police will refuse to register FIRs against hate speech, despite it clearly comprising an offence under the Indian Penal Code. The State has also ignored the dictum in Navtej Singh Johar and Ors. v. Union of India ((2018) 10 SCC 1) that constitutional morality cannot be martyred at the altar of social morality, and it is only constitutional morality that can be allowed to permeate into the rule of law.
India is witnessing a proliferation of hate speech, wherein the manufacturing of hated is not only politically profitable, but is also economically profitable. It is spread through means as small as WhatsApp forwards claiming an imaginary reduction in Hindu population, to entire shows dedicated to exposing some controversy of the Muslim Community (such as UPSC Jihad). To effectively combat and prevent the creation of such hatred, hate speech must be both legally and politically recognized as a weapon of the Sangh Parivar, and countered, as an affront to our core constitutional values.